This article examines the influence of the Hanafī philosophy of the Mamlūk period on the early Ottoman fiqh studies. Since the Egyptian and Damascus regions, which were under the rule of the Mamlūks, became the most important centres of knowledge in the Islamic world, it is understood that the Mamlūks’ scientific knowledge was superior to the Ottomans. On this occasion, many scholars who were considered the leading figures of the Ottoman scientific community turned to Egypt and Damascus regions and benefited (...) from the scientific accumulation there. In fact, these scholars who played an active role in the formation of the Ottoman scientific environment completed their education in Damascus and Egypt under the rule of the Mamlūks and graduated from the Mamlūk education system and assumed important roles in the formation of the Ottoman science understanding. During this period, the Hanafī judges (fuqahāʾ), who were active in the Mamlūk community, contributed to the development of the leading names of the Ottoman scientific community and this thought had an impact on their understanding of science. In this context, it is possible to say that the fiqh studies of the Ottomans in the first period were influenced by the Mamlūk Hanafī who had their characteristics. The two main characteristics of Hanafī thought in the Mamlūk period, the hadīth-centred juristic (fiqh) idea and the method of mamzûc (mixed) fiqh style are also seen in Ottoman fiqh works.Summary: In this article, the effect of Hanafī fiqh thought on the early Ottoman fiqh studies in Mamlūk period is discussed. While the Ottomans did not yet establish a scientific tradition in the period of foundation and ascension, many Mamlūk cities replaced Baghdad as the centre of knowledge of the Islamic world. Because the Mongol invasion, the crusades and the destruction of Andalusia due to reasons such as many scholars displaced by the Mamlūks settled there. Especially during this period, Egypt and Damascus, which were under the rule of the Mamlūks, became the most important centres of science in the Islamic world. In this respect, 14th-16th It is accepted that the science level of the Mamlūks was quite superior to the Ottomans in the 16th century. On this occasion, many scholars who are considered as the leading names of the Ottoman scientific community turned to Egypt and Damascus regions and benefited from the scientific accumulation there. Osman Ghāzī’s teacher and father-in-law, Sheikh Edebālī, Davud-i Kayserī, Sheikh Bedreddin, Molla Fanārī, Molla Gürānī are some of these scholars. In addition to these, scholars such as Muhsin-i Kayserī, Germiyanlı Poet Ahmedī, Hacı Paşa, Celāleddin Hızır, İbnü’l-Cezerī and İbn Arabşāh have also studied science in Egypt and Damascus. These scholars, who played an active role in the formation of the Ottoman scientific environment, completed their education in Damascus and Egypt under the rule of the Mamlūk and after graduating from the Mamlūk education system, they played an important role in the formation of the Ottoman science understanding. Sheikh Edebālī was accepted as one of the scientific and spiritual leaders of the Ottoman Empire. Davud-ı Kayserī was the first chief professor of İznik madrasah, the first Ottoman madrasah. Molla Fanārī had the privilege of being the first Ottoman shaykh al-Islām. Molla Gürānī became the teacher of Fatih Sultan Mehmed. During this period, the Hanafi faculties, which were active in the Mamlūk science community, contributed to the growth of the leading names in the Ottoman science community. Molla Fanārī, Seyyid Şerif Cürcānī, Shaykh Bedreddin and Poet Ahmadī have learned lessons from Bābertī, who important Hanafī scholars in Egypt. The idea of Hanafī fiqh in the Mamlūk period influenced the studies of the Ottoman fiqh in the first period. In this context, Molla Khüsrev refers to Zeyla‛ī and Bābertī, the leading Hanafī scholars of Mamlūk in many parts of his work, although he did not go to the regions dominated by the Mamlūks. The two main characteristics of the Hanafī thought in the Mamlūk period were the hadith-centred fiqh thought and mamzûc (mixed) method of fiqh. In the Mamlūk period, hadith studies which were not seen before in Hanafī sect were done. During this period, Hanafī jurists spent time in the field of hadith such as Ibn Balabān, Ibn Turkmānī, Zeylaʻī, Kuraşī, Mogoltay b. Kılıç, Bedruddīn Aynī, Ibn Kutluboğa, Serūcī, Bābertī, İbnü’l-Humām, İbnü’l-‛Adīm. They tried to eliminate the lack of studies in the field of hadith in the Hanafī circles while their studies certainly require hadith expertise. As a result of the works of these jurists in the field of hadith, the basic sources were frequently included in the fiqh studies in the Mamlūk period and, the hadiths were started to be made. The influence of this understanding, which had an important place in the thought of the fiqh of Hanafī during the Mamlūk period, can be seen in the Ottoman fiqh works in the first period. In this context, Molla Khüsrev, in his work with the influence of the early Ottoman jurists who had been educated in Egypt before him, gave some basic sources of hadith and sometimes gave information about the reliability of hadiths. On the other hand, it is possible to say that this issue is quite insufficient in Ottoman fiqh works when compared with Hanafi jurists of the Mamlūks. A comparison of Ibnü’l-Humām’s Fethü’l-kadīr and Netāicu’l-efkār, which was performed by Kādızāde order to complete it, can be compared. Apart from that, there are different attitudes between Şürünbülālī and Şeykhi-zāde known as Damad Efendi, they lived in the same period. Şürünbülālī, one of the Egyptian scholars of the Ottoman period generally gave the hadiths from the basic hadith sources in his work Merāki’l-felāh, while Şeyhīzāde did not obey this issue and rarely included basic hadith sources in his work Mecma‛ü’l-enhur. These differences can be explained by the necessity of the scientific environment. Because the Hanafīs were accused of not using hadith in Egypt and its environs, the Hanafī jurists living in this region should have directed them to be more rigorous about the hadith. However, since the Hanafī jurists living in other Ottoman regions did not have such a problem, they probably did not feel the need to refer to the main sources of hadith in the power of hadiths. Therefore, it can be said that the scientific environment and the need arising in this direction lead to different attitudes of the jurists living in the same period. The mamzûc (mixed) method starting with Ibnu’s-Sāātī, In the 8th-century, it was especially effective on the idea of ​​the fiqh style of Hanafī jurists. Although the first name of the mamzûc (mixed) method, Ibnu’s-Sāātī, was not one of the scholars of the Mamlūk period, the influence he initiated was more common in the Mamlūk period and became one of the characteristic features of the Hanafī fiqh thought in this period. Therefore, it is understood that the majority of Hanafī jurists had a gratified method. In addition to this, it is seen that Ottoman jurists who were educated in and around Egypt write procedural works in grammatical style. Molla Fanārī's work Fusūlü’l-Bedāyi is the most important example of this genre. Moreover, even Molla Khüsrev, who had not gone to Egypt and his surroundings, wrote a memoir-like work called Mir’ātü’l-Usûl. The works of these two authors show that the Ottoman jurists were influenced by the Mamlūks. As a result, it is possible to say that the fiqh studies in the early period of the Ottomans were influenced by the Mamlūk Hanafīs who had their characteristics. The hadith-centred fiqh thought and mamzûc (mixed) fiqh style understanding had an impact on the early Ottoman fiqh studies. (shrink)

This empirical study investigates the effects of nine ethical climate types (self-interest, company profit, efficiency, friendship, team interest, social responsibility, personal morality, company rules and procedures, and lastly laws and professional codes) on employee work satisfaction. The ethical climate typology developed by Victor and Cullen (in W. C. Frederick (ed.) Research in Corporate Social Performance and Policy, 1987; Administrative Science Quarterly 33, 101–125, 1988) is tested on a sample of staff and managers from 62 different telecommunication firms in Turkey. The (...) results obtained from the 1174 usable questionnaires confirm the existence of nine different ethical climate types observed in western cultures in the present sample context, which is a developing Muslim country. Regarding the effects of ethical climatic factors on employee work satisfaction, self-interest climate type appears to negatively influence work satisfaction, whereas team interest, social responsibility and law and professional codes climate types are found to have positive impacts. Managerial and further research implications of the findings are discussed. (shrink)

This paper is about “glitters”, one of the sources of primary microplastics, which, in turn, are deemed an emerging source of pollutants affecting the environment. Today, most glitters available on the market are essentially microplastics, as they are made of polyesters and are of a size smaller than 5 mm. The tiny, shiny, decorative and colorful glitters are used in a wide range of products including but not limited to make-up or craft materials, clothing, shoes, bags, ornaments, and various objects. (...) The marketing of micron-sized plastic materials, the environmental risks of which are no longer disputable, as disposable products clearly merits attention. People without substantial knowledge or awareness about microplastics pollution and sources thereof have been consuming these glitter products without giving it a second thought. Given their tasteless, odourless, invisible, durable, and last but certainly not least, ubiquitous characteristics, small microplastics nowadays came to pose a substantial threat for the environment and the biota, as a sneaky and persistent contaminant. Microplastic pollution is a completely anthropogenic one. In this context, the consumers should assume a careful and sensible attitude, and question all their consumption habits. On the other hand, the responsibilities of the manufacturers and regulators are also substantial. For, in the lack of any regulation or sanctions in the context of laws and legislation concerning a global problem, and in a context of scarce awareness on part of the society, the people would continue to buy and consume plastic products like glitters without really thinking about them, for as long as they are supplied to the market. (shrink)

The Book and the Sunnah are the two main sources of Sharʿī science. These two sources are based on narration which requires an absolute certainty, and this makes the reports, especially the mutawātir reports, important for Sharʿī sciences. Many people were involved in the transmission process of the Sunnah and the Book; therefore, Islamic scholars remained loyal to the technical concept “mutawātir reports” which is used in logic and is not open to doubt in terms of credibility. This is particularly (...) important for the science of kalām, which deals with matters of faith. On the other hand, in the science of fiqh, which deals with the practices of the Muslim individuals such as worship and procedures rather than the matters of faith, only the reports that the believer will accept, rather than those that everyone will approve, are sufficient. In this context, as per the science of fiqh, it is sufficient to form a dominant opinion, rather than an absolute certainty as in the science of kalām, for acting upon reports. Some factors, such as the acceptance of conjecture sufficient in the matters associated with fiqh and the low number of mutawātir reports on fiqh matters, also affected the fuqahā’s understanding of certain knowledge. In the context of transmission of the Sunnah, fuqahā partially changed the nature of the concept “mutawātir reports” by going beyond the technical understanding of tawatur. The most important change made by the fuqahā in the nature of mutawātir reports was the inclusion of the phenomenon “sened (chain of transmission)”, which is used to ensure credibility to ḥadīt̲h̲s, in the understanding of tawatur. So much so that while the number rather than the qualifications of the people who convey the reports is important for the credibility of the mutawātir reports in the science of logic; in the determination of mutawātir sunnah, the number of the narration channels which consist of just and fair-minded narrators was taken as a basis in line with the hadith “Whoever ascribes to me what I have not said then let him occupy his seat in Hell-fire.” Even some methodologists valued the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators so much that they included the famous reports in the scope of mutawātir reports, even though the first layer was ahad, due to their trust in the narrators in the later layers. However, in technical sense, for mutawātir reports, the qualifications of the narrators or who they are is not important at all. On the contrary, any person from a different religion, sect or disposition can take a role in the transmission of mutawātir reports. However, there is no place for fasiq narrators, let alone non-Muslims, in fuqahā’s concept of sened-centered mutawātir reports. Spiritual mutawātir is one of the subjects affected the most by this new understanding of tawatur based on isnād (reporting the chain of transmission). Normally, spiritual mutawātir is the agreement of the reports, conveyed in different texts by a large number of people who cannot agree on a lie, on a common meaning. However, fuqahā interpreted spiritual mutawātir as ahad ḥadīt̲h̲s with different chains of sened reaching a certain number and denoting the same meaning. What makes these two reports different is that the number of narrators assures the credibility of reports in the first one whereas the trust in the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators does in the second. As a matter of fact, it is not possible to talk about such a spiritual mutawātir if the trust in the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators who convey the ahad reports is damaged. This approach of spiritual mutawātir was used by the mutakallimūn as much as by the fuqahā. However, they used this approach of mutawātir mostly for matters that are evidenced by the Sunnah but not associated with the essentials of religion, such as Shafa'ah (intercession), Hawd al-Kawthar (Pond of Abundance), Ru’yat Allah (seeing Allah), and imams’ being from Quraysh. Thanks to this new concept of tawatur, Islamic scholars included many ḥadīt̲h̲s that are normally out of the scope of the technical definition of mutawātir reports, in the scope of spiritual mutawātir, and thus provided a credibility to more ḥadīt̲h̲s. (shrink)

The article presents results of a research of student – teacher relationship styles in the school environment, measured by the stroke economy. The sample includes 339 students between the ages of 13 to 15, of whom 198 are from vulnerable and 141 are from invulnerable groups, and 229 teachers between the ages of 24 to 65. The results present significant differences in the styles used by the three groups. Students from vulnerable groups declare preferences for the styles “Don't accept” and (...) “Don't give yourself”, which is expressed in a tendency to devalue their own achievements and successes. Students from invulnerable groups and teachers express preferences for the styles “Don't accept” and “Don't ask”, which suggests manifestations of characteristics such as confidence and a tendency to reject compliments. The obtained results can be used as an approach to increase the efficiency of the student-teacher relationship and improve the social climate in the classroom. (shrink)

Little of the work in critical and hermeneutical psychology has been linked to instructional technology. This article provides a discussion in order to fill the gap in this direction. The article presents a brief genealogy of American IT in relation to the influence of psychology. It also provides a critical and hermeneutical framework for psychology. It then discusses some problems of psychologism focusing on positivism, metaphysics, cultural ecology, and power. The narrow psychologism in IT produces a kind of systematic blindness (...) regarding cultural, political, and other issues. IT professionals are encouraged to engage reflectively with the power‐relations and ethical issues in which they are involved. The article points out a need for looking at psychology more comprehensively. (shrink)

In the polemical literature against Judaism, it is stated that Islam is the last religion, Prophet Muhammad was foretold in the Bible, and the Bible is distorted. Among the authors of such works, there are many who embraced Islam from Jews and Christians. Through their works, these converts show Muslims how serious they are in embracing Islam. In this article, the treatise under the evaluation was first brought to the agenda in 1867 by Gustav Flügel (d. 1870). Flügel claimed that (...) the author of the treatise was a Spanish or Moroccan convert Jew named Rakili. However, recent researches have revealed that Rakili is the name of the copyist and the author is an unknown Jew. Due to the Hebrew words in the text of the treatise, the author is thought to be a Jewish convert. The author of the treatise makes use of intensive quotations from Tanakh. However, it seems that the criticism of the treatise is not as strong as Ibn Hazm. The author also quotes from the Jewish oral tradition. Although the author is thought to be a Jewish convert, it is difficult to say that there is a very strong polemic of Judaism. Rather than showing that the Torah has been tampered with, using the passages of Tanakh, he wants to demonstrate that the Israelites went astray. In doing so, he tries to refute the Jewish claim of chosenness. Instead of stating that the Jews were not at the point of religious representation of God’s message, the author claims that Muhammad's followers were the addressees of this election. This method, which we occasionally encounter in other polemical treatises, appears as a much more intense and central agenda in this treatise. The most original aspect of this treatise at issue is the Ishmael-Isaac, Hagar-Sarah and Moses- Muhammad comparisons. The author insistently emphasizes that the chosen line is not the lineage of Isaac, but the lineage of Ishmael. As a natural consequence of this, he tries to prove that Muhammad is the greatest prophet to be obeyed and followed. What is interesting here is that the author, as a Jewish convert, tried to refute the idea of the chosennes of Jewish nation. According to him, there is an election not through Sarah and Isaac, but through Hagar and Ishmael. It is seen that those who have converted do such things both to prove their sincerity and to be accepted by Muslim administrators. The author’s glorifications of the Prophet Muhammad and his miracles by scorning Moses' miracles and Jewish ancestors can be described as an extreme attitude in this sense. The author also devotes a place to the subject of Biblical prophecies about the Prophet Muhammad. In this part, the author of the treatise stated that the gematria (abjad) value of some words in the Torah and the word Muhammad are equal. He claims that there are passages pointing to Muhammad. However, these passages are known in the polemical literature and are issues that were mentioned before the author. Apart from these widely known passages, there are some other passages he quoted. But these passages are also based on strained interpretations. Again, in some passages he quoted from Tanakh, it is seen that he was flexible and not loyal to the text. One of the points that the author dwells upon is the sins committed by the Israelites and the curses that were inflicted on them. The author of treatise supports this with passages different from Tanakh. Drawing attention to the fact that the Jews were cursed in their own books, which they consider sacred, the author tries to show that a nation so cursed cannot be a chosen people. The author, contrary to the Jews' expectation of the Messiah, points out that Jesus will come back, break the cross, kill the pig, and rule the earth. The writer, who reported the hadith that the Jews would be killed in the End Times, even reports that when the Jews hid behind the stones, the stones would say "There is a Jew behind me, come and kill". According to him, the time for Jews to repent has passed, because they could not take this opportunity by denying Muhammad either. The author has an interesting explanation as to why the hereafter and resurrection are not mentioned in the Torah. According to this claim, when God sent down the Torah to Moses, he ordered the Israelites to keep their orders and refrain from their prohibitions. Since God knows the hardness and stubbornness of the hearts of the Israelites, that most of them are devilish, engaged in magic and pagan cults, and prefer the world to the hereafter, he did not mention the issues such as heaven, hell, reward and punishment in the Torah. On the contrary, in many parts of the Torah, God said to them if you keep my orders, your sustenance will increase, your generation will increase, fertility will increase, and you will win victories over your enemies. (shrink)

Ḥadīths have been preserved and recorded in various ways since the Companions. These activities continued dur-ing the Tābiīn (the successors of the Companions) Period. So much so that these methods have formed the infra-structure of other methods that will emerge later. In this context, before the 70's (A.H.), works named al-Aṭrāf appeared. However, these first works consisted of the notes that they wrote some of the ḥadīths before coming to the science assemblies to help students remember in ḥadīth learning. Ḥadīth (...) scholars have adopted and applied this method in a very short time. Thus, this method also provided the opportunity for the formation of the first written ḥadīth documents. In addition, with the writing of ḥadīth works, it has turned into a system of al-Taṣnīf and al-Takhrīj in order to make maximum use of these books and to reach the source of a narration that is tried to be found. As a result, al-Aṭrāf literature, which can be evaluated as index, has emerged. As a matter of fact, the first examples of this literature, arranged alphabetically according to the names of the Companions or ḥadīth texts, started to be given since the 4th (A.H.) century. In this way, the way to quickly benefit from the accumulation of the ḥadīth area has been opened. This article focuses on the historical adventure of al-Aṭrāf and their contributions to the ḥadīth field, as well as literature knowledge of the works of al-Aṭrāf which are of great importance for both al-Kitābah, al-Taṣnīf and al-Takhrīj.Summary: In order to understand and practice the religion of Islām, great efforts have been made both in the past and later periods in order to convey the words, verbs, interpretations and qualifications of the Prophet to the next genera-tions as they are protected from all kinds of falsification and changes. This process, which started with memoriza-tion and partly writing at the beginning, has gained momentum with the use of other methods since the period of Tābiīn. In this context, the method of aṭrāf was started to be used to facilitate memorization, to be a reminder, and to transmit the ḥadīth through the hearing of the ḥadīth sheikh. The first examples of this method were seen by Muḥammad b. Sīrīn during his participation of his teacher Abīde/Ubayda Salmān in the scholarly assembly. At this stage, the relevant method was manifested as writing a passage from the beginning of the ḥadīth. Thus, the aforementioned method, which had great contributions in recording and memorizing ḥadīths in accordance with the original, has gained widespreadness and application among the ḥadīth scholars like Ubeydullaḥ b. Omar, Shu’bah b. al-Ḥajjāj, Sufyān as-Sawrī, Mālik b. Anas, Ismāīl b. Ayyāş and Vakī b. Jarrāḥ in a very short time. In this context, Yazīd b. Zuray’ stated that he went to his teacher without his aṭrāf work of ḥadīths which he transmitted from Shu’bah and listened to ḥadīth in this way. Therefore, this mentioned event is important in terms of putting forth that Shu’bah allowed the aṭrāf method in his assemblies. The method was used by Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, who traveled to Madīnah to convey the reports recorded with the mentioned method of his teacher Abū Alḳama al-Farawī and at the same time listen to the related transfers from him, but who could not reach his goal. Therefore, the related narrations show that aṭrāf method was used effectively by ḥadīth scholars to remember the ḥadīths in the 1st and 2nd centuries, so sections from the narrations were written during the preparatory stage before coming to the scholarly assembly. Ultimately, the importance of these works, which manifest in different ways and offer great contributions to writing, is an undeniable reality for the history of ḥadīth.Aṭrāf, the plural form of taraf that literally means the side and edge of something, mean a section, phrase or first part that indicates the whole of the ḥadīth. This method, along with the formation of ḥadīth literature, has been started to be given as a name to the works organized alphabetically according to the name of the Companions or ḥadīth texts by mentioning some of the ḥadīths with the 4th century. In this sense, aṭrāf has started to become a unique literature in a sort of taṣnīf and takhrīj method in order to make use of the ḥadīth writing easier.Aṭrāf studies may aim to bring together the isnāḍs (chains of transmitters) in all books, or they can be limited to the chains in certain books. Aṭrāf books contain the ḥadīths in the Ṣaḥīḥān or Kutub al-Sittah and are written in alphabetical form based on the name of the companions or according to the texts of ḥadīth. The first of these, which has the attribute of the musnad in a sense, is arranged in alphabetical order according to the name of the Companion, and if there are many people who narrate from him, according to the names of the tābiīn and taba-i tābiīn (successors of the tābiīn). Accordingly, the narrations of each companion were determined and listed in al-phabetical order in aṭrāfs in musnad-type, and a passage was written from the ḥadīths and marked as books/chapters in the places of relevant narration. On the other hand, the second type of aṭrāf books were ar-ranged by giving a few words from a section that allows remembering the head or all of the ḥadīths without in-cluding chains, and then placing these texts in alphabetical order.The type of aṭrāf offers the opportunity to see different chains of narrations together and provides many facilities for the ḥadīth researchers. Therefore, ḥadīth researchers show great interest in this genre. Aṭrāfs provide many benefits for both ḥadīth chain and text. In this respect, it is possible to talk about many advantages of the ḥadīth to its transmister such as the determination of mutawātīr, garīb, azīz, mashhūr, mutābī or the testimony of ḥadīth; to provide facility to make a reputation research of a riwāyah (narration), to provide an opportunity to determine the location of the narrations in the primary sources; to detect the link or any blackout in the chain, to reach the nu-merical knowledge of ḥadīth narrated by a companion or other narrators, to obtain information about narrators whose identity is not explicitly stated, to know the first narrator, to provide the protection of the ḥadīths from taḥrīf or alteration, to give the opportunity to identify the subject they contain, to be able to obtain text integrity by getting various chains, the detection of the sabab al-wurūd (the context of ḥadīth).Due to the contributions we have mentioned above, many books on aṭrāf literature that started with Abu’l-Ḥasen Ali b. Omar ad-Dārakutnī have been published. Among them Aṭrāfu’s-ṣaḥīḥayn/el-Jem`u bayna’s-ṣaḥīḥayn by Abū Mas`ūd Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad b. Ubayd ad-Dimashkī, Aṭrāfu’s-ṣaḥīḥayn by Abū Muḥammad Ḥalaf b. Muḥammad b. Ali al-Vasiṭī, Zaḫāiru’l-mavārīs fi’d-dalālati alā mavāzi`i’l-hadīs by Abdülganī b. İsmāīl en-Nāblūsī and Tuḥfatu’l-ashrāf bi ma`rifati’l-aṭrāf by Abu’l-Ḥajjāj Yūsuf b. Abdurrahman el-Mizzī can be mentioned. Some of the related works are arranged in musnad style while others are arranged according to the first word of ḥadīth texts. As a result, the method of aṭrāf has become a kind of indexer in order to facilitate reaching the source of the re-ports and make the highest level of use required by the classification and bookings of the ḥadīths in the 3rd centu-ry. These works, arranged alphabetically in the name of the Companions or according to the texts of the ḥadīth, have taken their place in the history of the ḥadīth with their many examples, both in the form of taṣnīf and the method of takhrīj by mentioning a part of the ḥadīth by the head. (shrink)

The history of the mushaf, which began with the collection of the verses of the Qur'an in the era of Hazrat Abu Bakr, holds a significant place in terms of the science of qiraat and the methodology of tafsir. It is not possible to say that the subject, which is the focus of Western researchers especially to prove their thesis that the Qur’an is the human word, is popular in our country. At this point, in this study prepared with the (...) aim of contributing to the field, tafsir introductions and mushaf history issues were examined. Many of the tafsir works provide valuable information about the history of the mushaf. In this direction, one of the important works of tafsir, Garāib al-Qur'ān, Tafsīr al-Khāzin, Jawāhir al-ḥisān, Fath al-rahmān Rūh al-meānī, Tafsīr al-Marāgī and Tafsīr al-hadīs were analyzed. They constitute the basis of our research because they contain rich information about its history and have not yet been examined in this respect. In this regard, the introductions of the aforementioned commentary works are examined under headings created according to the subjects. First of all, the issue of turning the Qur’anic verses into mushafs during the period of Hazrat Abu Bakr is discussed, and then the principles observed in the mushaf copying activity in the Hazrat Osman period, how many companions were in the commission, the number of mushafs that were copied and sent to the leading towns of the period, and who made the surah arrangement in the mushafs are examined. In addition, information shared about the official mushaf rules and whether these rules must be taken as a basis in the writing of the mushafs is included. Finally, within the context of personal companions’ mushafs, the study delves into the claims, accusations, and debates surrounding the mushafs with Hazrat Osman. (shrink)

The third century of the hegira represents an extremely important period in terms of the formation process of Islamic sciences and the acquirement of the identity of a systematic school of fiqh madhhabs. In terms of the Zaydiyya madhhab, this century has an identity that affects the next period in terms of both political and scientific studies. Because in this period, the scholars of the madhhab like Kāsim al-Rassî (d. 246/860), Ahmad b. Isā (d. 247/861) and Yahyā b. al-Husayn (d. (...) 298/911), who were in a leading position both in politics and in sciences such as kalām, hadith and fiqh, emerged. Kāsim al-Rassî, who was accepted as the star of the Ahl al-Bayt by Zaydî sources in the first period, was presented as the Plato of Muslims by orientalists in modern studies. The main reason why today's studies on him are mostly about the history of sects and theology, most of Rassî's works are about kalām. However, Kāsim al-Rassî is an important name in the science of fiqh and İslamic legal theory as well as in the science of kalām. According to Abī Tālib Nātik bi’l-Hakk (d. 424/1033), one of the important jurists of the Zaydiyya madhhab, Rassî was a scholar who came to the fore with his ability in fiqh issues; in order to see his ijtihād method, his skill in furû al-fiqh, his mastery in using hadiths and knowing the disagreements of scholars, ‘‘Masā’il al-Dja’far b. Muhammad and Abd Allah b. Hasan” should be consulted. Rassi's epistles named Kitab al-Nāsikh wa’l-Mansūkh, Kitab al-tahāra, Kitab al-salāt al-yevm ve al-Laylā and Kitab al-menāsik are important studies on fiqh that have survived to the present day. In addition, Mueyyed-Billah (d. 411/1021) compiled Kāsim al-Rassî’s and Yahya b. al-Husayn's views on fiqh in his work named al-Tecrîd. Kāsim al-Rassî's views on fiqh are also determinative in later fiqh books such as Tahrîr, al-Cāmi' al-Kāfi, al-Intisār and al-Azhar. In time, the emergence of a jurisprudence sect named Kāsimiyya in Zaydiyya, referring to his name, is also important in terms of revealing his position. Although Rassî's views on fiqh have been referred to a number of studies in our country, no independent study has been found that deals with his views on fiqh. However, considering both of his works on fiqh that have survived to the present day and the early works in which his views are compiled, it is obvious that Kāsim al-Rassî's views on fiqh deserve an independent works. The aim of this study is to reveal Ressî's position within the madhhabs and his perspective on fiqh in general. In this context, in the study, the period in which Ressî lived, his life and works were briefly mentioned, and then the basic views of the fiqh, especially in the field of worship, were discussed in outline. (shrink)

Çalışmada, Heinz Halm tarafından kaleme alınan; kitabelerden, vakayinamelerden, gazetelerden, sözlü kaynaklardan vesair tarihî kaynaktan yararlanılarak Arap tarihinin anlatıldığı çalışma değerlendirilecektir. “İslam Öncesi Dönemden Günümüze: Araplar” ismiyle Hitit Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Araştırma Görevlisi Fahrettin Haliloğlu’nun tercüme ettiği eser, millet varlığı milat öncesi dönemlere uzanan Arapların, tarih boyunca içinden geçtikleri süreçleri ele alma iddiasını taşımaktadır. Bu iddianın varlığı, çalışmanın kritik için seçilmesinin temel nedenini oluşturmaktadır. İslam öncesi dönemden 21. yüzyıla kadar oldukça geniş bir zamanı kapsayan bir çalışmada Arapların tarihinin hangi açılardan ele (...) alındığı önemli olmakla birlikte; söz konusu tarihi akış içerisinde Alman bir araştırmacı gözüyle Hz. Peygamber’in risaletinin ne şekilde işlendiğini ve nasıl yansıtıldığını incelemek, siyer araştırmaları açısından, ayrıca önem kazanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede değerlendirmeye gayret edeceğimiz kitap, “İslam Öncesi Arabistan”, “Arabistan ve İslam”, “10. Yüzyıldan 15. Yüzyıla Kadar Arap Dünyası”, “1500’den 1800’e Kadar Arap Dünyası”, “19. Yüzyıl”, “20. Yüzyılda Devlet Oluşumu ve Bağımsızlık” ve “21. Yüzyılın Başında Arap Dünyası” başlıklarıyla yedi bölümden meydana gelmektedir. (shrink)

Kur’ân-ı Kerîm kelimelerinin yazım özelliklerini inceleyen ilim dalına resm-i mushaf /resm-i Osmânî adı verilmektedir. Bu ilme, Hz. Osman’ın (ö. 35/656) halifelik devrinde (644-656), dönemin fasih Arapça kaidelerine göre yazım esas alınmak sûretiyle gerçekleştirilen mushaf istinsah faaliyeti kaynaklık etmektedir. Sahabe eliyle gerçekleştirilen bu çalışmada kullanılan imlanın, sonraki dönemlerde yazılan mushaflarda esas alındığı kabul edilmektedir. Bugün Hz. Osman himayesinde imla edildiği kesin olarak bilinen bir mushaf mevcut değildir. Bu yüzden Hz. Osman mushaflarındaki yazım şekillerine ait detaylar ancak hicrî 3-4. asırlarda telif edilmeye (...) başlanan eserlerden öğrenilebilmekte, resm-i mushaf kriterleri mezkûr kaynaklar baz alınarak belirlenmektedir. Lakin mushaf istinsahı faaliyetinden 3 asırdan daha fazla bir süre sonra kaleme alınan eserlerde verilen bilgilerin yeterliliği/sıhhati konusunda birtakım tereddütlerin varlığı malumdur. Mezkûr tereddütlerin izale edilmesine katkı sunma maksadıyla hazırlanan bu makalede, alanın temel eserlerinde yer alan resm-i Osmânî kaideleri bağlamında Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi/Emanetler Hazinesi 2 nr. Mushaf incelenmektedir. Erken dönemlere ait olduğunda şüphe bulunmayan Mushaf’ın, Hz. Ali’ye (ö. 40/661) tarafından yazıldığı iddia edilmektedir. Mevcut çalışma sayısı bakımından oldukça yeni bir alanda yapılan bu araştırmada, hicretten birkaç asır sonra telif edilen eserler vasıtasıyla ulaşılabilen kaideler ile erken dönemlerde yazılmış TMSK E. H. 2 nr. Mushaf’ın imlası kıyaslanmak sûretiyle, kaidelerin o dönemde ne derece uygulandığını tespite çalışılmıştır. İki bölümden müteşekkil makalenin ilk kısmında, Mushaf’a dair tanıtıcı ve teknik mahiyetteki bilgilere yer verilmiş, Mushaf’ın Hz. Ali’ye nispeti tetkik edilmiştir. Mushaf’ın erken dönemde imla edildiği ancak Hz. Ali tarafından yazılmasının mümkün olmadığı kanaatine yer verilmiştir. İkinci kısımda, ilgili eserlerde “hazf, ispat, ibdal, maktu‘/mevsûl yazım, hemze, Mesâhif-i Emsâr’ın gönderildiği beldelere göre farklılık arz eden yazım farklılıkları” şeklindeki konu başlıkları altında yer verilen toplam 1406 kelimenin yazım özelliğiyle TMSK E.H. 2 nr. Mushaf’ın yazımı mukayese edilmiştir. Sayfa, âyet noksanlığı bakımından neredeyse kusursuz nitelikteki bu Mushaf’ın tamamında yapılan inceleme sonucunda toplam 319 kelimede kaidelere muhalif yazım olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Üzerine inceleme yapılan tüm kadim Mushaflarda da görülen bu imla uyumsuzluğu, resm-i mushaf kaidelerinin sıhhatine dair mevcut soru işaretlerini kuvvetlendirmektedir. Bu da resm-i mushaf ilminin sınırlarını tespit için kadim mushafların imlasının da dikkate alınması gerektiğine, bunun için de erken dönemde yazılmış mushafların yazım şekilleri üzerine daha fazla araştırma yapmanın gerekliliğine işaret olarak kabul edilmelidir. (shrink)

The results of a study of ego states, self-esteem and life positions effects on teachers’ subjective career success are presented. The sample includes 324 teachers between 24 and 65 years. The results obtained present preferences for the ego states Nurturing Parent and Adult, and for the life position „I am OK, you are OK“, which are manifested through characteristics such as affection, friendliness, analyticalness and devotion to others. The established average self-esteem level suggests for positive attitude towards oneself and career (...) satisfaction. The ego states Natural Child, Caring Parent, Adapted Child, the self-esteem and the life positions „I am OK, you are OK“ and „I am not OK, you are not OK“ have significant effects on subjective career success. Personal characteristics such as empathy, concern for others and the promotion of development lead to a sense of subjective career success. The results are applicable for the implementation оf teacher competency improvement programs, which will not only increase their sense of career success, but will also have a positive effect on the quality of the educational process. (shrink)

Mehmed Efendi, known as Mur Ali Baba, is one of the sheikhs of the Halisiyye branch of the Qadiriyya sect. Mehmed Efendi, who was buried in Sivas, is a sufi who was active in his time with his scientific and mystical efforts. Mehmed Efendi is a master of poetry as well as his command of Persian and his contribution to many people's learning of Persian. It is understood from Mehmet Efendi's only work called Tenbîhü's-sâlikîn that he was a personality largely (...) under the influence of Mawlânâ. In the article, a Persian poem of Mehmed Efendi, who was especially influential in Sivas and its environs in the 19th century, is discussed through the commentary made by him. This poem of seven couplets, in which Mehmed Efendi voiced his criticisms of the apparent ulemâ through the example of amber and straw, also shows his talent in poetry. In addition, in this poem, Mehmed Efendi expressed his views on education and the relationship between the perfect master and the devotee as the central subject, through the example of amber and straw, which are frequently used for reasons such as its color and physical characteristics in divan literature. The article focuses on the influence of Mevlânâ, whom Mehmed Efendi traced because of this example, and some of his thoughts expressed in the context of the amber-straw waste example. (shrink)

The main purpose of the article is to examine the experiences of students regarding the effect of theological education on their religiosity. The working group consisting of students continuing their education at Akdeniz University Theology Faculty was determined by using criterion sampling. The first criterion was determined as having studied the "Religious Education" course. The second criterion is that the participants were selected from the 3rd and 4th grade students, based on the assumption that they should have studied enough to (...) enable them to make an assessment about theology education. The total number of participants is 54, including 32 girls and 22 boys. The obtained data were analyzed with the descriptive analysis technique. As a result of the analysis of the data, the experiences of the participants regarding the effect of the theology education they studied on their religiosity were collected under three themes. These; those who think that theological education positively affects their religiosity, those who think that theological education negatively affects their religiosity, and those who think that theological education has no purpose related to religiosity. (shrink)

In this paper, the scientific realism/anti-realism debate, which is one of the most popular topics in the metaphysics of science, will be examined in supporting the realistic wing. In this respect, the discussion will be conducted by keeping the subjects of ‘existence of an external mind-independent world’ and ‘unobservable entities’ at the center of this paper. In the context of understanding the world, ‘Science’ activity is not the sum of the research carried out only by considering empirical data; on the (...) contrary, it will be claimed that it is an endeavor that pursues unknown but interesting things (such as protons, photons, or viruses) and tries to give meaning to the world. Thus, against the empirical rigid attitude of anti-realism –bearing in mind the views of logical positivists; it will be illustrated that scientific realism is an understanding based on metaphysics and has a philosophical basis. (shrink)

Although Dirār b. ʿAmr is the most important mutakallim of the second century, he is unfortunately one of the unjustified names in the history of kalām. Dirâr is a mutakallim whose name is rarely mentioned in theological publications published in both Turkish and foreign languages until recently, and his importance and position are still not noticed. As a matter of fact, Josef van Ess and W. Montgomery Watt, who are famous orientalists, discovered this tragic fact and tried to make up (...) for this deficiency to some extent with their studies. Dirâr wrote a refutation of Aristotle's theory of substance and accident, opened a new way with his understanding of existence based on accidents and led Ash'ari with the theory of kasb and Ebu'l-Huzayl al-‘Allaf with his kalām accumulation. Undoubtedly, one of the things that makes Dirār important is that he had views that went beyond his time and caused him to contradict his contemporaries as early as the second century in terms of the history of Islamic thought. Considering the list of works that have not survived, except for one, in such a period when the mainstream sects were not yet formed and they were on the eve of their formation, Dirār was generally in a critical dialogue with the Islamic and non-Islamic movements he encountered and knew. For this reason, it is almost impossible to place him in any religious sect mentioned in his period. Because he often preferred to follow his own ideas rather than the opinions of others on many issues. Naturally, this makes it difficult to place Dirār in a certain school and frees him from all kinds of bonds. Yes, in the sources we come across many allegations, accusations and slanders that Dirār is a Cahmi/Jabri, he is a Mu‘tazili, he is an innovator with malignant ideas, he is an infidel to put a bounty on his head. Understanding the reasons for these depends on getting to know Dirār, understanding his ideas, and determining his position. If we say in the context of our study, the position of Dirār is actually a state of non-position, and we think that the concept that best expresses this situation in a new interpretation is "nawābit". In the light of our analysis, we see that, with the exception of a name, nawābit is used as a concept with a negative content and connotation in both theology and philosophy. The exceptional person is the famous philosopher Ibn Bājja (Avempace) from Andalusia, the contemporary of Ibn Rushd (Averroes). While Mu‘tazili mutakallims use nawābit to humiliate groups such as Ahl-i hadith and Hashviyye, which adopt the narration-oriented line that puts reason and acumen to the second place, Al-Fārābī also uses the fault types and the sick characters in his virtuous city that he has constructed to describe. Ibn Bājja, on the other hand, considers the people called nawābit within his project to be equivalent to the "mutawahhid" (alone human) whose "precaution" he aims; this usage which corresponds with the context of the concept in the study. Because, in our study, nawābit is not considered as an identity, but as a representation of a character. (shrink)